Presented by ProPublica

By Cora Currier — ProPublica

Everyone is talking about drones. Also known as Unmanned Arial Vehicles, or UAVs, remote-piloted aircrafts have become a contro­versial center­piece of the Obama administration’s counter-terrorism strategy. Domes­ti­cally, their surveil­lance power is being hyped for every­thing from fighting crime to moni­toring hurri­canes or spawning salmon. Mean­while, concerns are cropping up about privacy, ethics and safety. We’ve rounded up some of the best coverage of drones to get you oriented. Did we miss anything? Let us know.

A Little History

The idea of unmanned flight had been around for decades, but it was in the 1990s, thanks to advances in GPS and computing, that the possi­bil­ities for drones really took off, as the New Yorker recently recounted. While hobbyists and researchers looked for uses for auto­mated, airborne cameras, the military became the driving force behind drone devel­op­ments. (This history from the Wash­ington Post has more details) According to the Congres­sional Research Service, the military’s cache of U.A.V.’s has grown from just a handful in 2001 to more than 7,000 today. This New York Times graphic shows the variety of drones currently employed by the military — from the famous missile-launching Predator to tiny proto­types shaped like hummingbirds.

This February, Congress cleared the way for far more wide­spread use of drones by busi­nesses, scien­tists, police and still unknown others. The Federal Aviation Admin­is­tration will release a compre­hensive set of rules on drones by 2015.

The Shadow Drone War: Obama’s Open Secret

As the ground wars in Iraq and Afghanistan wind down, the Obama admin­is­tration has esca­lated a mostly covert air war through clan­destine bases in the U.S. and other coun­tries. Just this week, the administration’s drone-driven national security policy was docu­mented in this book excerpt by Newsweek reporter Daniel Klaidman and a New York Times article.

Both the CIA and military use drones for “targeted killings” of terrorist leaders. The strikes have been an awkward open secret, remaining offi­cially clas­sified while government offi­cials mention them repeatedly. Obama admitted the program’s exis­tence in an online chat in February, and his coun­tert­er­rorism advisor, John Brennan, gave a speech last month laying out the administration’s legal and ethical case for drone strikes.

The crux of it is that they are a precise and effi­cient form of warfare. Piloted from thou­sands of miles away (here’s an account from a base outside Las Vegas), they don’t put U.S. troops at risk, and, by the government’s count, harm few civilians.

How Many Civilians Do Drone Strikes Kill?

Statistics are hard to nail down. The Long War Journal and the New America Foun­dation track strikes and militant and civilian deaths, drawing mainly on media reports with the caveat that they can’t always be verified. The Long War Journal tallied 30 civilian deaths in Pakistan in 2011. The London-based Bureau of Inves­tigative Jour­nalism, which also tracks drone strikes, consis­tently docu­ments higher numbers of civilian deaths — for Pakistan in 2011, at least 75. Obama admin­is­tration offi­cials, the New York Times reported this week, have said that such deaths are few or in the “single digits.”

But the Times, citing “coun­tert­er­rorism offi­cials,” also reported that the U.S. clas­sifies all military-age men in a drone strike zone to be mili­tants, unless their inno­cence is proven after the attack. If that’s true, it raises ques­tions about the government statistics on civilian casu­alties. One State Department official told the Times that the CIA might be overzealous in defining strike targets — he told them that “the joke was that when the C.I.A. sees ‘three guys doing jumping jacks,’ the agency thinks it is a terrorist training camp.

What About the Political Fallout?

The U.S. has also used airstrikes to side-step legal argu­ments about the bound­aries of the campaign against al Qaeda. Both Bush and Obama admin­is­tration offi­cials have argued that Congress’ September 2001 Autho­rization for Use of Military Force extends to al Qaeda oper­a­tives in any country, with or without the consent of local governments.

Drone strikes are extremely unpopular in the coun­tries where they’re deployed. They’ve led to tense diplo­matic maneuvers with Pakistan, and protests and radi­cal­ization in Yemen. Iraqis have also protested the State Department’s use of surveil­lance drones in their country.

Domestic concerns about civil liberties and due process in the secret air war were inflamed last fall, when a drone strike in Yemen killed Anwar al Awlaki, an al Qaeda member and a U.S. citizen. Weeks later, Awlaki’s 16-year-old American son was also killed by a drone.

Costs and Crashes

Drones are cheap relative to most military manned planes, and they were a central feature of the Pentagon’s scaled-back budget this year. But drones aren’t immune from cost overruns. The latest version of the Global Hawk surveil­lance drone was put on the back-burner this January after years of expensive setbacks and ques­tions about whether they were really better than the old U-2 spy planes they were slated to replace.

And while drones may not carry pilots, they can still crash. Wired has also reported on drones’ suscep­ti­bility to viruses.

Another problem? The Air Force is playing catch-up trying to train people to fly drones and analyze the moun­tains of data they produce, forcing them to some­times rely on civilian contractors for sensitive missions, according to the LA Times. The New York Times reported that in 2011, the Air Force processed 1,500 hours of video and 1,500 still images daily, much of it from surveil­lance drones. An Air Force commander admitted this spring that it would take “years” to catch up on the data they’ve collected.

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